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Slade Gorton's Indian Wars
by Geov Parrish
This half of the 20th century leaves history with relatively
few prominent U.S. politicians whose careers, spanning
decades, were based on overt, vile racism. Future museums
will show their awe-stricken, repulsed visitors portraits of
George Wallace in the schoolhouse door; Jesse Helms, in the
early days, as a '50s Raleigh TV commentator railing against
the Negro menace; and Slade Gorton's relentless, despicable
attacks on Native America.
Gorton's latest: another bill, in concert with Conrad Burns
(R-MT), that would require tribes to waive their rights as
sovereign nations, including immunity from lawsuits, and
require means testing to receive federal funds. It's gotten
little notice here, but has Native America up in arms.
It would be considered preposterous if Congress required
Seattle to waive immunity from lawsuits over land use
decisions in order to receive federal funds. Indians,
however, are fair game. The net effect, a culmination of
Gorton's career, would be economic devastation for the
poorest enclaves in the U.S. And, of course, open season for
some of the world's largest corporations. Slade Gorton works
for them.
The idea of native sovereignty has always been sticky and
(among whites) unpopular, with gains almost always won in the
courts and losses in the legislatures. England, and then the
U.S., cut treaties for centuries with different Indian
nations. Those treaties are still on the books and, despite
Gorton's wishes, supersede Congressional or state law. They
are token payments for "buying" portions of the continent,
stealing the rest, and slaughtering most of its people.
Sovereignty is a lot cheaper than reparations; we live on
stolen land.
Gorton is obsessed with the "special privileges" Native
Americans get because their ancestors got here first. He
first made headlines litigating against the movement--eventually
a Hollywood cause celebre--to reclaim treaty
fishing rights. It took 15 years of "fish-ins" and lawsuits
to reach the U.S. Supreme Court, where the Boldt decision
marked a sweeping tribal rights victory.
Slade's been taking it out on Indians ever since, using every
chance to bash, harass, or deny funding. As state Attorney
General, he filed amicus briefs against tribes in cases the
state was not even party to. In 1987, Gorton registered in
Olympia as a lobbyist for the Non-Indian Negotiating Group,
to "provide technical and legal research to non-Indians on
Indian land claim matters."
Since rejoining Congress in 1988, Gorton has introduced a
host of bills (most of them unsuccessful) targeting native
rights and funding. Federal spending levels for Indian
education, health care, housing, economic development,
employment, and job training programs have all declined
steadily for 20 years, while money for similar non-Indian
programs increased. Gorton, now head of the Senate Committee
On Indian Affairs, has led the assault. This year, he's
trying again to cut funds, ban tribal tax-exempt status,
and end sovereignty. He works with overtly racist
property rights groups (demagogues whenever native issues are
in the news--for example, launching an investigation after
the Seattle Times' overhyped and misleading Tulalip "housing
scandal" series), and--as the most powerful U.S. legislator
on Indian issues--refuses to meet with tribal leaders.
Back in the real world, on the reservations, Native America's
"special privileges"--a term also used by anti-affirmative
action and other white-privilege crusaders--include
widespread poverty, extreme unemployment, Third World-level
rates of infant mortality, and, of course, a federal Bureau
of Indian Affairs that wields hostile bureaucratic power over
every part of rez life.
Repeatedly, whenever tribes try to gain a bit of
self-determination and economic development, Uncle Sam--led by
racist, demagogic assholes like Gorton--crush it. The recent
success of a few gaming facilities is the latest fuel. Some
80% of these casinos nationally don't make money. But the
success stories are perfect fodder for Gorton's race-baiting.
Of course, race is only part of the Gorton story. The other
part is--surprise--big business. Gorton is the Congressional
point man for the Citizens for Equal Rights Alliance (CERA),
a national umbrella of 470 smaller groups fighting Native
America's right to control what little is left of its land.
Over 50% of CERA's member groups have interests in the
timber, mining, or oil industries. The prospect of tribes
exercising environmental restrictions, after the feds have
gutted or waived U.S. government restrictions, enrages these
folks.
So does the prospect that tribes may no longer sign leases
for pennies on the dollar. Much native/white history in the
last century has been the struggle over control of resources.
At first, whites simply kicked the Indians off their land (or
killed them all), creating reservations on land thought to be
worthless. When, in the 1930s, some of this worthless land
turned out to be valuable, Congress--at coal and oil
companies' behest--created and imposed a Tribal Council
system so there would be somebody the big companies could
bribe into signing cheap leases and profitable (for the
companies) extraction agreements. Now that a few tribes want
fair money for those resources, the answer is to dismantle
their sovereignty rights, leaving things in the friendlier
hands of state and federal agencies. (E.g., Bruce "Indict
Me!" Babbitt.)
For 25 years, our state has elected and re-elected a man
whose major policy initiative has been to harass, impoverish,
and deny basic rights to a racial minority. Gorton is our
Jesse Helms. Many in North Carolina are embarrassed and
enraged by Jesse. How 'bout us?
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