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America's Mandelas
by Geov Parrish
Of all the stomach-turning ironies masquerading as photo ops on Bill
Clinton's Africa pilgrimage, few were more sanctimonious than Pres.
Lecher's visit with South African President Nelson Mandela to the prison,
the very cell (click! snap! whirrr!) where Nelson was held as part of his
quarter-century imprisonment by a succession of U.S.-supported apartheid
regimes.
Mandela was tactful enough not to remind Clinton that the U.S. was on the
wrong side of that one--but not so tactful, happily, that he didn't
sharply scold Clinton for ongoing U.S. persecution of faithful ANC allies
like Cuba and Libya. (The scolding was even covered by U.S. media, unlike
Mandela's criticism of the African free trade legislation Clinton--and new
free trade apologist Jesse Jackson--spent spent much of the trip shilling.
Mandela called it, rightly, "a new form of economic colonialism.")
But the real hypocrisy of the scene wasn't in South Africa. It wasn't even
in Nigeria, Gabon, or Angola, the top three U.S. trading partners in sub-
Saharan Africa, all skipped on Clinton's trade promotion tour because they
each feature oil-rich, repressive U.S.-supported dictatorships. No, the
most striking hypocrisy was back in Washington, D.C., where on the very
same day, "Jericho '98," the largest protest rally on the topic in a
generation, gathered--to deafening media silence--to protest this country's
own holding of political prisoners.
The U.S. keeps political prisoners. It's no news anywhere but (thanks to
patriotic blinders and media complicity) in the U.S. itself. Our allies
freely recognize it; so do (otherwise) respected international human rights
groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Just last week
one of the most prominent prisoners, African-American activist and
journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal, began another hunger strike, protesting
oppressive and arbitrary new administrative rules on Pennsylvania's death
row, where he lives. Another well-known detainee, Native American activist
Leonard Peltier, has struggled for the last several years to get adequate
health care; early next decade, barring clemency or death, he will pass
Mandela's record for length of unjust imprisonment.
And there are dozens, hundreds more, less well-known, Puerto Rican
independence advocates and New Afrikan activists, folks without white
liberal celebrities championing them. Most are people of color.
They are put in or kept in prison, and often segregated into the harshest
prisons and control units, specifically because of the political content of
their actions or failure to renounce their beliefs. As with every other
country that jails and brutalizes political activists, the U.S. writes the
laws, then claims the person(s) in question violates them, then rams the
case through a hopelessly biased court system, usually well out of public
view. It's how Ken Saro-wiwa died in Nigeria. Only inside the U.S. is this
country's practice of targetting activists not taken at face value for what
it is: persecution; in the case of control units, torture; in the case of
the death penalty, sheer barbarism.
A case can also be made that the whole class of people jailed in the last
decade--as the prison population of the U.S. has tripled, largely with
nonviolent offenders--is a form of political imprisonment. The conscious
decisions to wage a pointless War On Drugs, the dramatically tougher
sentencing and appeal laws, the building of new, often draconian prison
complexes, the development of prison labor, and the loss of social services
have all served to push a well-defined (poor, non-white) segment of our
country into the "justice" system for strictly political purposes.
The prison where Mandela lived, and Clinton posed, is closed now. We can
only hope to do as well in this country, and shut down the ominous new
gulag that betrays the myth of "land of the free." Perhaps, under the
administration of President Peltier, it will happen.
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